I was honoured to be a participant on this panel discussing ranked ballots organized by Burlington Councilor Lisa Kearns. It was an interesting, informative, and very enjoyable evening. Many thanks to Lisa for organizing it.
Here is what I more or less said. And below that I'll try to upload the recording.
I want to point out
that most political parties select their leaders using some form of ranked
ballots, even if it’s a series or run offs. This includes Doug Ford as
leader of the Ontario Progressive Conservative Party, notwithstanding the
handicapping of urban ridings. Most recently, the selection of Erin
O’Toole as Conservative Party of Canada leader was done by ranked balloting. If
it hadn’t been done this way, we would be seeing Peter MacKay as leader of the Conservative Party of Canada rather
than him resigning from politics once again.
The attraction in
selecting a leader by ranking preferences is the legitimacy it gives the
winning candidate, as being the popular choice of over 50 percent of the
voters. It is a clear “mandate.”
This is significant in the case of London (Ontario) City Councilor, Arielle Kayabaga. Going on council in a
“vulnerable” position as a member of several “marginal groups,” a young,
black, female, single-mother, a fact that she is reminded of by Council continually
including efforts to silence and remove her from council debates, she can fall
back on the majority mandate she was given by the voters of her ward. She was
elected clearly as the most supported candidate, by over 50%, in ward 13. This
is her legitimacy. This is very important when a politician has to find support
for their position and power, when they can't fall back on being a white, old, businessman.
However, there is
something else going on in terms of the support given and the choices being
made by voters in a ranked ballot system. Here, I’m drawing from the literature
on Australia’s Lower House in the national assembly which uses Alternative
Voting through ranked ballots. Ranked ballots tend to greater policy overlap,
policy collaboration, and policy choice for voters, because they encourage
voting by policy choice over candidate personality.
For example, I
desperately want more safe bike lanes in my city. Going to the polls I am
likely to rank the candidates supporting such a policy at the top of my ballot,
making compromises over policy as I do down the list. Therefore, to attract my
vote, even if other policies might differ from my preferences, candidates might
add bike-lanes to their platforms. As a result, policy positions will tend to
overlap in the election, and become more of a focus for voters. Plus, the
resulting Council is likely to have more avenues for collaboration between
council members. But, this isn’t just about progressively identified policy,
like bike-lanes. It also holds for centre-right policies, where greater choice
and more candidates are offered to voters who want to vote for “road-widening,”
or “looser heritage designation” (taking examples from where I live).
Certainly, in the case of Australia’s lower house, ranked ballots have helped
shut out the left-wing Labour Party from forming a majority in the House.
Where all of this
falls down is in the information provided to voters in general. Municipal
campaigns are notoriously low-information elections. This is why turnouts are
low. Voters need to have cues as to who to vote for. Provincial and federal
elections have this because party affiliation is a cue. Such cues can happen in
municipal elections, as it did to a small extent in London in 2014, when a
clear slate of candidates runs, or a group of candidates are linked to a
specific issue. In 2014 in London it was a group of younger candidates running
to clean up Council and against the Fontana 8. With the decline in, closing of,
and almost catastrophic eradication of local and neighbourhood media sources
and election communication, this is going to be a problem no matter what
electoral system is used.
As for bringing
women’s representation on Councils up to over the 30% recommended by the UN, I
am much less sanguine about ranked ballots. First, it’s far too early to tell
based on one election in London. The hope is that ranked ballots will increase
women’s representation because the policy focus and the desire to appeal not
just as a first choice, but for second and third choices will keep the
candidates from going negative or being particularly conflictual. This is seen
as an obstacle and deterrent to women running. We can’t determine if this will
get better based on one election, but in 2018, only 4 women were elected and
one female incumbent was defeated, and two female candidates were targets of concerted,
organized, and funded smear campaigns (this included the female incumbent who was
defeated).
In Australia, the use
of AV and ranking in the Lower House has not increased the diversity of
representation. The Lower House hasn’t surpassed the 30% mark and is pretty
much the same as Canada between 26% and 28% with its first-past-the-post
system. To be honest, if we are serious about ensuring women’s representation,
and the literature is clear on this, quotas, temporary or otherwise, are the
way to go. In Ontario if ranked ballots are not longer on the table, according
to the provincial government, then this is so far off the table it’s in another
room.
Unfortunately, the video file is too large to upload here. I'll see if there are other ways can I link to it.
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